WASHINGTON (AP) 鈥� The YOLO caucus is in session.
In a Republican-led Congress defined by deference to President , there’s a small but steadily growing cohort who have found themselves more willing to break with the White House. Although the president maintains a firm grip on Republican voters, the expanding club could hinder his agenda on everything from the Iran war to immigration funding at a moment when his party holds a tenuous majority on Capitol Hill.
Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana is the newest member of the club. Just days after losing his primary to a Trump-backed challenger, Cassidy on Tuesday on legislation involving the war in Iran and voted with Democrats to rein in U.S. military action.
鈥淭he way our Constitution is set up, Congress should hold the executive branch accountable,鈥� he told reporters the day before.
Sen. John Cornyn of Texas could be next after , Cornyn’s rival for the Republican nomination in next week’s runoff.
Rep. of Kentucky is perhaps a founding member of the YOLO caucus, having frustrated Trump since the president’s first term, and his status was solidified on Tuesday to a Trump-backed challenger. Massie has enraged Trump by voting against his signature tax and spending bill and by pushing for the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files.
He hinted there’s more to come before he leaves office.
鈥淚 got seven months left in Congress,鈥� Massie said with a grin during his concession speech as the crowd erupted.
More Republicans feel free to shrug off Trump
Other similarly situated Republicans include Sen. , who was a fierce critic of former Homeland Security Secretary and has more recently turned his attention to Defense Secretary . There鈥檚 also Sen. of Alaska, who joined Democrats last week in a bid to curb Trump鈥檚 war powers in Iran. Sens. of Maine and of Kentucky have voted against some of Trump鈥檚 Cabinet picks. And in the House, Rep. of Nebraska has pushed to reclaim congressional power over tariffs.
鈥淚f the legislative branch always votes with the president, we do have a king,鈥� Massie said in his concession speech Tuesday.
This hardly amounts to a revival of the that some Republicans unsuccessfully hoped would curb the president’s excesses during his first term or block him from returning to office. Many in the party, including Trump’s occasional detractors, have either stood by or been unable to block the president as he launched the and presided over an aggressive enforcement operation and the dismantling of the federal workforce.
Today’s unencumbered Republicans don’t fit into an ideological box. But they are united by a sense of emboldening that can only be attained in a few ways in Trump’s Washington.
Many, like Tillis, McConnell and Bacon, have decided to retire and can cast votes knowing they’ll never again have to face Republican primary voters. Others like Collins and Murkowski have more leeway because they represent states that tend to reward political independence. And some like Massie banked on the idea that voters could support both Trump and someone who occasionally crossed him.
It’s a paradox for Trump. As he demands total loyalty and pushes out Republican dissenters, he’s left with a growing cohort who, for one reason or another, owe Trump nothing.
Democrats look to capitalize
That could be a problem for Senate Majority Leader and House Speaker , who are already governing with threadbare majorities. Shifting loyalties of even a few Republican lawmakers could dramatically complicate the ability for either chamber to pass substantial legislation ahead of the November midterm elections.
Thune called Cornyn a 鈥減rincipled conservative鈥� and 鈥渧ery effective senator鈥� on Tuesday.
鈥淣one of us control what the president does,鈥� he said.
The next tests could come later this week as Thune pushes a funding package for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Patrol designed to pass on a party line basis.
Democrats are eager to pounce.
Speaking at an event in Washington on Tuesday sponsored by the Center for American Progress, House Democratic leader said he would aim to drive a wedge between Republicans by using a so-called discharge petition to bring issues directly to the floor for a vote.
That tactic has been successful in securing House passage on issues ranging from the Epstein files to temporary protection of Haitian immigrants.
鈥淲hen we’re disciplined and when we’re focused and when we put pressure in particular on the so-called swing seat Republicans, they have been breaking with us,鈥� Jeffries said.
California Gov. told reporters on Tuesday that Trump’s endorsement of Cornyn’s rival was a sign that his political power lies within the Republican base 鈥� not the American public at large.
鈥淗e鈥檚 showed the only influence he has, and that鈥檚 an outsize influence within the base of the party,鈥� the potential 2028 Democratic presidential contender said. 鈥淥therwise he鈥檚 shown little to no influence with the American people.鈥�
Counting the votes
That leaves Republicans gaming out how they might cobble together the votes needed to pass legislation.
Sen. of North Dakota called Cassidy a 鈥済ood friend鈥� and said the loss was 鈥渢ough for him.鈥� He said Cassidy 鈥渨ill always vote in line with what he thinks is best鈥� but doubted he will become a less reliable Republican vote.
His fellow Louisianan, Sen. , said Cassidy deploys power 鈥渞ationally and maturely鈥� and 鈥渨ill continue to do the same thing.鈥�
Cassidy repeatedly rejected the notion that he will spend his final months in Washington as a troublemaker for Trump, saying he’s going to do 鈥渨hat’s good for my country and my state.鈥�
Yet the independent streak that ended his political career quickly resurfaced. A week after Trump visited China, Cassidy spoke of a western alliance that’s 鈥渢otally falling apart鈥� and will be unable to 鈥減ush back on the threat China represents.鈥� He seemed stunned that the administration would create a nearly $1.8 billion fund to compensate Trump allies who they believe have been unjustly investigated and prosecuted.
鈥淚 just came off the campaign trail,鈥� he said. 鈥淧eople are concerned about making their own ends meet, not about putting a slush fund together without a legal precedent.鈥�
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Associated Press writer Stephen Groves in Washington contributed to this report.
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This story has been corrected to reflect that the fund intended to compensate Trump allies is valued at nearly $1.8 billion, not nearly $1.8 trillion.
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